Act Fast: 2027 International Edition
I've adapted the title of Christopher Okigbo's prophetic poem "Come Thunder" for this piece. As a prominent Nigerian poet contemporaneous with figures like Chinua Achebe and Wole Soyinka, Okigbo penned this deeply foresighted work during tumultuous times. His poem offered an impartial perspective on Nigeria’s political unrest and foretold a bitter conclusion. Drawing parallels between lightning and thunder—natural disasters known for causing devastation—and predicting these forces would herald future upheavals, Okigbo anticipated significant conflict. Shortly after completing “Come Thunder,” Nigeria plunged into a devastating civil war initiated by Southeastern regions' decision to break away from the nation. The rest of Nigeria vehemently opposed this separation, leading the separatist group to declare their intended region as the independent state of Biafra. This conflict confirmed every aspect of Okigbo's prescient vision. Passionately committed to Biafran cause, where he hailed from, Okigbo joined the struggle but tragically perished in combat in 1967—the year he authored “Come Thunder.”
None of the elections I've witnessed since becoming politically aware as a Nigerian adult have generated as much excitement and discussion as the upcoming 2027 presidential vote. Even though it’s nearly two years away, the topic quickly moved to center stage soon after Bola Tinubu assumed office. The kickoff occurred during a thanksgiving ceremony honoring Barry Mpigi, the senator from Rivers South-East, which took place in February 2024—just nine months into Tinubu's term. At this event, Nyesom Wike, the outspoken head of the FCT Administration known for betraying his original political party, PDP, in the 2023 election, seized the opportunity to sound the horn. For those familiar with him, Wike is plagued by what can only be described as "the microphone syndrome." This condition manifests when individuals holding microphones cannot resist verbosity; they tend to overshoot their intended message and stray far from the main point under discussion.
The president of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio—who was present at the Thanksgiving event—used this moment to advocate for electing an "Ogoni" governor during the 2027 elections. He emphasized that recognizing the Ogoni people within Nigeria's socioeconomic framework is essential. When Wike took hold of the microphone, he highlighted how being part of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) working under the leadership of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) allowed him to bring both parties back behind Tinubu in 2027. "Look where we stand right now," said Wike emphatically. "Who could stop us from winning in 2027 when we unite?" he posed rhetorically. A video shared widely online earlier depicted Wike singing and dancing along with the popular Tinubu campaign song titled "On Your Mandate We Shall Stand." The incident occurred inside Chief of Staff to the President Femi Gbajabiamila’s office. Since then, discussions about Tinubu's possible second term have been prevalent across national platforms.
Key figures from the major All Progressives Congress (APC) party, including National Chairman Abdullahi Ganduje and Secretary to the Government of the Federation George Akume, have repeatedly stated at different events that "Aso Villa has no openings in 2027." In his address during the launch of part of the Lagos-Calabar superhighway project, Akwa Ibom State Governor Umo Eno expressed his personal backing along with his constituents' support for "Baba," which refers to Tinubu, advocating for another term. Shortly thereafter, Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, former governor Ifeanyi Arthur Okowa, alongside the whole structure of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in the state, switched their allegiance to the APC—a strategic shift aimed at supporting Tinubu’s bid for reelection. This fervor over who will lead in the 2027 presidential race is evident even more than two years ahead of schedule as parties jockey for position.
Meanwhile, Nigeria has transformed into a vast expanse of ungoverned territories, highlighting the severe lack of effective governance. Although Boko Haram remained the most lethal threat in the northeastern part of the country, new terrorist organizations have emerged across various regions. An armed faction known as "Lakurawa," reportedly connected to extremist entities active in the Sahel—particularly in Mali and Niger—is now making advances into the northwest, specifically within Sokoto and Kebbi states. A relatively obscure group called "Mahmuda" is establishing itself in Nigeria’s north central zone, particularly in Niger and Kwara states. Areas such as Borgu Local Government Area in Niger state, along with Kaiama and Baruten Local Government Areas in Kwara state, have experienced significant turmoil lately. In just one incident close to the Kainji Lake National Park in Kwara State, approximately two dozen individuals lost their lives at the hands of this sect members over the past few weeks.
In Plateau and Benue States within Nigeria’s North Central region, more than 350 individuals have perished due to recent assaults carried out by violent herders and ruthless criminals. It is believed that Benue State alone may have lost around 250 people. These attacks involved weaponry beyond typical arms, evident from shell casings discovered across different sites of destruction. Entire communities have faced devastation when targeted by these extremists, leading to significant disruptions in residents' lives and livelihoods. Many displaced persons now seek shelter in overcrowded IDP camps located throughout Benue. For example, the previously tranquil Bunu district situated in the Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu Federal Constituency has become a frequent target for lawless elements engaging in abduction, assault, and injury against unsuspecting villagers. In response to public pressure from concerned citizens in this area, the Nigerian Army recently approved establishing a Forward Operating Base (FOB) here with the aim of safeguarding life and property.
Far-sighted Senator Sunday Karimi from the Kogi West constituency presented a fully equipped Forward Operating Base (FOB) in Egbe, within the Yagba West Local Government Area, to the military back in October. This was aimed at aiding their efforts to combat security issues prevalent in that region of the state. According to a recent article published by The Sun newspaper, nearly 600 individuals were killed by herders, bandits, and freelance assailants across these areas during the past half-year period. The publication highlights casualty statistics indicating more than 100 fatalities in Nasarawa State and approximately 60 deaths recorded in Kogi State. These two regions together with four others form the entirety of the North-Central Zone, implying this entire sector faces severe threats posed by criminal elements.
Regrettably, on numerous occasions, the country's military, intelligence, and security agencies have faced criticism for their lackadaisical approach toward addressing domestic security challenges proactively. Military leadership has not escaped blame either; they've sometimes been accused of unnecessarily injecting politics into decisions about troop deployments across different operational areas. A frequently referenced case involves the earlier removal of Major General Anthony Mayowa Atolagbe—a seasoned leader known for his professionalism—who previously commanded the Joint Task Force (CJTF) during Operation Safe Haven. Atolagbe, with extensive experience in multinational missions, skillfully coordinated efforts among ground troops, naval units, aviation assets, along with contributions from law enforcement bodies like the police, civil defense corps, and prisons within conflict zones spanning Plateau, Kaduna, and Niger States. His effective tactics were reportedly seen as threatening by some influential parties, leading to whispers advocating for his replacement just when he seemed poised to completely stabilize regions under threat.
Prominent individuals within Nigeria's military and intelligence community have frequently urged citizens to take charge of their own protection. In 2018, Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma, a previous Chief of Army Staff and Defence Minister, addressed attendees at the convocation ceremony for Taraba State University in Jalingo. There, he encouraged his fellow tribespeople to stand up for themselves. He cautioned that the government cannot ensure people's safety effectively. Recently, at an occasion held in his birthplace of Takum—also located in Taraba State—he restated this message from seven years prior. Meanwhile, David Alechenu Mark, Nigeria's longest-serving President of the Senate and a retired Army General, has similarly called upon Nigerians to join efforts against criminal activities like banditry, kidnappings, and murders. This call came as a response to recent assaults carried out by unidentified armed groups targeting members of his constituency. Notably, before entering politics, Mark served as both a military administrator and cabinet member under Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, another Army General, during periods when Nigeria was governed by military leaders.
The Minority Leader of the Senate, Patrick Abba Moro—who succeeded Mark—recently expressed that individuals might resort to taking matters into their own hands due to the government's inability to safeguard citizens' lives and properties. This sentiment was echoed by Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi, the Director-General of the Department of State Security (DSS). During a lecture organized by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Abuja, he mentioned advising his fellow community members from Ogun State to take responsibility for their safety instead of relying solely on governmental assistance. The current state of insecurity throughout the nation reflects this grim truth. These issues arise against the backdrop where Nigerian leadership has allocated significant portions of security forces for their individual protection, leaving ordinary citizens vulnerable with minimal support.
It is impossible not to experience nostalgia for those times when politics was considered a solemn affair, despite being within a multiparty democratic system. During President Olusegun Obasanjo’s tenure, he did not express his intention to seek reelection until three years had passed during his initial term. Moreover, all political appointees who wished to contest for elected positions were encouraged to step down promptly upon receiving approval from Obasanjo. He ensured that governmental operations remained unaffected by the personal ambitions of his staff members. This model of disciplined administration seems distant now due to the prevailing self-centered attitudes, destructive greed, excessive covetousness, and rivalrous favoritism prevalent among today’s politicians. Nigerian politics has essentially become an occupation over time. For example, Nyesom Wike will have accumulated 28 years of active "political involvement" funded by taxpayers' money by 2027, beginning with his role as chairman of the Obio-Akpor Local Government Area in Rivers State right after the start of the Fourth Republic in 1999.
If left to Wiki, INEC should have completed and submitted the Certificate of Return for the presidential elections of 2027 to his superior by now. This matter consumes him so intensely—making him anxious, agitated, and nearly delusional—that one might think he can barely wait for it. We must pray that 2027 does not bring catastrophic upheavals akin to those described in "Come Thunder," considering how eagerly certain preemptive governmental entities are courting and anticipating that crucial year. It seems these individuals remain unaware that their actions and neglect could be fanning the flames of massive unrest in the future. Their arrogant boasts only exacerbate the situation as they act as though they hold divine power. Hurry up, 2027!
* Olusunle, PhD, who is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors (FANA), instructs Creative Writing at the University of Abuja.
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